Similarly, who started the Reichstag fire is irrelevant to an understanding of the Holocaust. This archive has been the basis of a four-year United Kingdom Arts and Humanities Research Council project called Genocide and Genre). Now your eye will enjoy the rust!”), and makeup artists use stills from “G30s/PKI” as guidance for how to make the actors’ faces look bloody. “It wasn’t just the poison that was killing the workers, it was fear,” Oppenheimer remembers thinking. Bans on the press were lifted, and magazines that had been shuttered by Suharto quickly returned. Anwar and his cast were also free to make changes as we went. CONTEXT, BACKGROUND AND METHOD In 2005, I also discovered that the other paramilitary leaders (not just the former movie theater gangsters) had other personal and deep-seated relationship to movies. (Oppenheimer counted sixty-two planned screenings throughout the country, the majority of which did not get shut down.). In the early days of research (2005), I discovered that the army recruited its killers in Medan from the ranks of movie theatre gangsters (or preman bioskop) who already hated the leftists for their boycott of American movies – the most profitable in the cinema. At first, I thought that they would feel the re-enactments made them look bad, and that they might possibly come to a more complex place morally and emotionally. “Why would we advertise a civil war?” he said to her. And they could challenge each other in ways that were otherwise unthinkable, given Sumatra’s political landscape. Sometimes, screenings provoked feelings of remorse (as when Anwar watches himself play the victim during a film noir scene) but, at other times, as when we screened the re-enactment of the Kampung Kolam massacre to the entire cast, the images were met with terrifying peals of laughter. In the province of North Sumatra and elsewhere, the paramilitaries were recruited largely from the ranks of gangsters, or preman. The violence of the re-enactment conjured the spectres of a deeper violence, the terrifying history of which everybody in Indonesia is somehow aware, and upon which the perpetrators have built their rarefied bubble of air conditioned shopping malls, gated communities, and “very, very limited” crystal figurines. At the same time, the Movement’s troops took over the national radio station and announced that they intended to protect President Sukarno from a cabal of right-wing army generals plotting a seizure of power. If it could be explained adequately in words, we would not need it in the film. The set was modeled on this interior. Oppenheimer says that his films consciously counter “G30s/PKI” because Suharto’s film became the “symbolic metonym” that Indonesians used to understand the tragedy. Our starting point for The Act of Killing was thus the question: how had this society developed to the point that its leaders could – and would – speak of their own crimes against humanity with a cheer that was at once celebratory but also intended as a threat? Make-up sessions too were important spaces of reflection and transformation, moments where the characters slip down the rabbit hole of self-invention. So it was no surprise when, at a ceremony commemorating the slain generals, Jokowi made clear that he, like Indonesia’s previous President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, would not be offering an official apology. The fish changes throughout the film, but it is always a world of “eye candy”, emptiness and ghosts. September 30th, 1998, marked the first anniversary of the generals’ killings that “G30s/PKI” was not broadcast on TVRI, or widely shown in schools. They even borrowed their methods of murder from the screen. However, unlike The Globalization Tapes , The Act of Killing is an authored work, an expression of my own vision and concerns regarding these issues. Sukarno, Indonesia’s first president, founder of the non-aligned movement, and leader of the national revolution against Dutch colonialism, was deposed and replaced by right-wing General Suharto. A documentary which challenges former Indonesian death-squad leaders to reenact their mass-killings in whichever cinematic genres they wish, including classic Hollywood crime scenarios and lavish musical numbers. The pretext for the 1965-66 genocide was the assassination of six army generals on the night of 1 October 1965. For this same reason, we also filmed the pre-production of fiction scenes, including castings, script meetings, and costume fittings. An allegory for his storytelling confection? Nonetheless, in response to Indonesian conservatives’ angry reaction to public showings of “The Look of Silence,” the Institute placed a ban on commercial showings of the film. The result: an unleashing of thousands of hours per week of government-funded radio and TV programs […] This is probably the most psychologically complex and mind-boggling documentary I’ve ever seen. The woman we see fainting after the scene felt she had been possessed by a victim’s ghost. The key phrase in the regime’s argument was “the latent danger of communism.” The unfinished eradication of the PKI was, in a very real sense, the raison d’être of the Suharto regime. The gangster scenes were wholly improvised. In a climate of national emergency, Suharto gradually usurped President Sukarno’s authority and established himself as the de facto president (with the power to dismiss and appoint ministers) by March 1966. Anwar and his friends could direct their fellow gangsters to play victims, and even play the victims themselves, because the wounds are only make-up, the blood only red paint, applied only for a movie. The Act of Killing – review. Joshua Oppenheimer's bloody documentary restaging a wave of mass killings in 1960s Indonesia leaves our critic dumbfounded. I thought once we intervened in that cognitive dissonance that would be it.”, Oppenheimer and his team never released “The Act of Killing” or “The Look of Silence” in Indonesian theatres, in order to avoid facing a ban by Indonesia’s national Film Censorship Institute. As described, the idea of dramatizations came up quite spontaneously, in response to viewing the rushes from Anwar’s first re-enactments of the killings. We wanted to make sure they knew how they appeared on film, and to use the screening to trigger further reflection. The extent of the bias in this baseless propaganda is a grave attack on India and an assault on the Hindu majority by misrepresenting the CAA [Citizenship (Amendment) Act] dishonestly and deceptively. ⁃ TN Editor The Televisi Republik Indonesia “Special Dialogue” came into being when the show’s producers realised that feared and respected paramilitary leaders making a film about the genocide was a big story (they came to know about our work because we were using the TVRI studios.) According to Anwar, a representative of the union visiting family in Medan came to Anwar’s house to ask him if he would consider being president of the North Sumatra branch of the union. Moving from perpetrator to perpetrator, and, unbeknownst to them, from one community of survivors to another, we began to map the relationships between different death squads throughout the region, and began to understand the process by which the massacres were perpetrated. The liberalization of media meant that Indonesians could, for the first time, openly discuss different accounts of the events of 1965. For decades, a so-called anti-propaganda law prevented the U.S. government’s mammoth broadcasting arm from delivering programming to American audiences. In 2003, Oppenheimer began interviewing survivors of the 1965 killings, but the Army got word and compelled survivors to stop participating. The government funded a major film production about the killings, guided by the accomplished Indonesian director Arifin C. Noer, with the working title “A History of the New Order.” The resulting film, the docudrama “Pengkhianatan G30s/PKI” (“Treachery of the September 30th Movement/PKI”), is in part a “Reefer Madness”-style horror flick depicting gruesome Communist atrocities, many of which never occurred. I could safely challenge them about what they did, without fear of being arrested or beaten up. And we secretly interviewed survivors of the massacres they committed. So, having learned that even their methods of murder were directly influenced by cinema, we challenged Anwar and his friends to make the sort of scenes they had in mind. Fake news. was it Hutu extremists acting as provocateurs?) “The police and military must watch out to insure that the P.K.I. Luckily, Anwar had the humility to tell them that he is not an actor, that he was playing himself in scenes made for a documentary, and therefore would decline the offer. Directed by Joshua Oppenheimer, Anonymous, Christine Cynn. The massacres were out of all proportion to their ostensible cause. These two approaches allowed us to piece together a chain of command, and to locate the surviving commanders of the North Sumatran death squads. Feelings far deeper than those that would come up in an interview would surface unexpectedly. One doesn't have to read between the lines to realize that what Portman is saying is a spine-chilling, Orwellian statement, glorifying government-funded propaganda. Cancelling, incarcerating and ultimately killing dissenters. Anwar’s beautiful nightmare? His regime incessantly drilled the event into the minds of the populace by every method of state propaganda: textbooks, monuments, street names, films, museums, commemorative rituals and national holidays. Here, reality and its refraction through fiction, Anwar’s memories and his anticipation of their impact internationally, are all overlaid. “It felt perfect they should remake shots from ‘G30s/PKI’  in order to show that their own nightmares are influenced by their propaganda,” Oppenheimer told me. X is for Xenocide: the killing or attempted killing of an entire “alien” species. What is The “Countering Disinformation And Propaganda Act”? The 1940’s film “Der ewige Jude”, The Eternal Jew, is an eye-opening look into the world of Nazi propaganda. The process by which we made the musical scenes (the waterfall, the giant concrete goldfish) was slightly different again. Indonesian government and military officials, to the very end of the Suharto regime in 1998, invoked the specter of the PKI in response to any disturbance or sign of dissent. The juxtaposition of Adi’s family’s fear and grief with ex-paramilitary members’ cheerful memories of torturing his brother and dumping the corpse into a river captures both the horror of the 1965 mass murder and the ways in which modern Indonesia has so far failed to reckon with it. Anwar Congo, the paramilitary leader whose guilt is explored in “The Act of Killing,” says in the film, “For me, [‘G30s/PKI’] is the one thing that makes me feel not guilty. On-screen, Paramilitary members brag about the murders they perpetrated, but also, at different moments, make blunt admissions about the guilt that haunts them. To explore their love of movies, I screened for them scenes from their favorite films at the time of the killings – Cecil B. DeMille’s Samson and Delilah and, ironically, The Ten Commandments topped the list – recording their commentary and the memories these films elicited. Long before the term "fake news" hit the mainstream, the United States government made sure to legally infiltrate the country's most influential media outlets. He borrows the TVRI regional drama studios, and recruits a soap opera crew. Many thanks to him for providing this summary. Ancient way of killing now serves as propaganda tool for Islamic State. The best explanation for this, according to Krishna Sen, the dean of Indonesian Studies at the University of Western Australia, is that Indonesia’s wounds were simply too raw. Moreover, virtually nobody in Medan dares to criticise Pancasila Youth and men like Anwar Congo and Ibrahim Sinik. The Globalization Tapes was a film made collectively by the plantation workers themselves, with us as facilitators and collaborating directors. The very act of commissioning an artist to design a building, sculpture, or painting signified the patron’s taste, erudition, financial status, and ambition. “The Act of Killing,” in which Oppenheimer shows members of North Sumatra’s Pancasila Youth making a film about slaughtering leftists in 1965. This created a safe space, in which all sorts of things could happen that would probably elude a more conventional documentary method. More than anything else, these are two reasons why this method generated so many hours of footage (indeed, we have created a vast audio-visual archive about the Indonesian massacres. OVERVIEW AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE METHODS USED IN THE ACT OF KILLING. In addition, because we never knew when the characters would refuse to take the process further, or when we might get in trouble with the military, we filmed each scene as though it might be the last, and also everything leading up to them (not only for the reasons above), because often we didn’t know if the dramatization itself would actually happen. The intention is to sway public opinion by using television, radio, newspapers, and social media targeting American and foreign targets in controlled psy-ops or perception management. Most interestingly, Anwar and his friends discussed, often insightfully, how other people will view the film, both in Indonesia and internationally. supporters. This is not to say that the show will not be shocking to Indonesians. During these first meetings with Medan perpetrators (2004 and 2005), I encountered the same disturbing boastfulness about the killings that we had been documenting on the plantations. The difference was that these men were the celebrated and powerful leaders not of a small rural village, but of the third largest city in Indonesia (Greater Medan has a population of over four million people). Propaganda by the deed, including assassinations (sometimes involving bombs, named in French "machines infernales" – "hellish machines", usually made with bombs, sometimes only several guns assembled together), were thus legitimized by part of the anarchist movement and the First International as a valid means to be used in class struggle. rather than the murder of 800,000 Tutsis and Hutu moderates over the next 100 days would be unconscionable. However, unlike The Globalization Tapes, The Act of Killing is an authored work, an expression of my own vision and concerns regarding these issues. We created a space in which they could devise and star in dramatisations based on the killings, using their favorite genres from the medium. The killings would come up in discussions, planning sessions, and film shoots nearly every day, but always in whispers. But above all, we focused our cameras on moments between takes where they debated the meaning of the scene. “Apologize to whom?” he asked. As a result, thugs and small-time gangsters were turned into paramilitary death squads. To understand how they felt about the killings, and their unrepentant way of representing them on film, I screened back the unedited footage of these early re-enactments, and filmed their responses. (above written by John Roosa). Oppenheimer explained the contrast between his film and “G30s/PKI,” saying, “If ‘G30s/PKI’ is both the lie and the threat about what happens if you depart from the lie, then my film is the child in ‘The Emperor’s New Clothes’ who says, ‘This is all a lie and you know it.’ ”. Not only did Anwar and his friends know and love the cinema, but they dreamed of being on the screen themselves, and styled themselves after their favorite characters. Some of them explained to Oppenheimer that the Pancasila Youth had killed their parents and grandparents for being a part of a union, in 1965. To me, participating in the debate around “who killed the generals” feels grotesque, which is why it does not feature in The Act of Killing. Soft propaganda has been building for decades, but the next phase of globalization is fully engaged: that is, the criminalization of dissent. Sky-high inflation, combined with revelations about the corruption of Suharto’s inner circle, caused large protests throughout the country. The Suharto regime considered the film such an effective exercise in propaganda that it mandated annual showings in schools and on TVRI, the state television channel, from shortly after the film’s release, in 1984, until the regime’s collapse, in 1998. We hoped to catalyze a process of collective remembrance and imagination. Ironically, the only significant reaction to the talk show’s broadcast came from the Indonesian Actors’ Union. KILLING GOD: THE PROPAGANDA OF HHIISS DDAARRKK MMAATTEERRIIAALLSS ... seeking to control people by disseminating propaganda about a deity who makes up rules to stifle human freedom, growth, and creativity. doesn’t rise again!” he said. On-screen, Paramilitary members brag about the murders they perpetrated, but also, at different moments, make blunt admissions about the guilt that haunts them. Nonetheless, from what little is already known, it is clear that the military bears the largest share of responsibility and that the killings represented bureaucratic, planned violence more than popular, spontaneous violence. Imagine if, in Rwanda, the fundamental question about what happened in 1994 was “who shot down the president’s plane?” This would only be thinkable if the killers remained in power… (above written by Joshua Oppenheimer). In addition to all this, Anwar and his friends’ impulse towards being in a film about the killings was essentially to act in dramatizations of their pasts – both as they remember them, and as they would like to be remembered (the most powerful insights in The Act of Killing probably come in those places where these two agendas radically diverge). After almost every dramatization, we would screen the rushes back to them, and record their responses. 500 Years of Antisemitic Propaganda: The Katz Ehrenthal Collection Dehumanization of Jews (Czechoslovakia, late 19th century) From the Middle Ages to the modern era, antisemites frequently portrayed Jews as vermin and various other animals—especially pigs because Judaism considers pigs unclean and forbids the consumption of pork. "The Act of Killing" introduces us to several Indonesian mass murderers who jump at the chance offered by this documentary's maker, Joshua Oppenheimer, to make their own movie, a chronicle of their years carrying out an anti-Communist purge that claimed over a million lives in 1965-66. (The scapegoating of the ethnic Chinese, who had come to Indonesia in the 18th and 19th centuries, was done at the incitement of the US intelligence services, which sought to drive a wedge between the new Indonesian regime and the People’s Republic of China. What we didn’t expect was a scene of such violence and realism; so much so that it proved genuinely frightening to the participants, all of whom were Anwar’s friends from Pancasila Youth, or their wives and children. Indeed, many of the plantation workers were themselves survivors of the killings. My sickle is rusty! We also felt that the stories we were hearing – stories of crimes against humanity never before recorded – were of world historical importance. The Act of Killing was born out of our curiosity about the nature of this pride – its clichéd grammar, its threatening performativity, its frightening banality. Rizieq said that his family had been among those that were threatened by the P.K.I. The film found its way into childhood games and rivalries, she added. In conducting these first interviews, we encountered the pride with which perpetrators would boast about the most grisly details of the killings. We sensed that the methods we had developed for incorporating performance into documentary might, in this context, yield powerful insights into the mystery of the killers’ boastfulness, the nature of the regime of which they are a part, and, most importantly, the nature of human ‘evil’ itself. Ever since we produced The Globalization Tapes, the thing that most fascinated us about the killings was the way the perpetrators we filmed would recount their stories of those atrocities. All the millions of people associated with the PKI, even illiterate peasants in remote villages, were presented as murderers collectively responsible for the Movement. Released in 1940, “The Eternal Jew” is an anti-Semitic Nazi propaganda film. Different scenes used different methods, but in all of them it was crucial that Anwar and his friends felt a sense of fundamental ownership over the fiction material. In 2001-2002, Christine Cynn and I went to Indonesia for the first time to produce The Globalization Tapes (2003), a participatory documentary project made in collaboration with the Independent Plantation Workers Union of Sumatra. While a monument stands next to the well in which the Movement’s troops dumped the bodies of the six army generals on October 1, 1965, there is no monument to be found at the mass graves that hold the hundreds of thousands of persons killed in the name of suppressing the Movement. Since audiences believing propaganda tends to be of dire importance to the governments and organizations creating it, you’d expect it to try to be as believable and somber about subjects that are a matter of life and death as they can be. If there had not been this deliberate provocation from the military, the populace would not have believed the PKI was a mortal threat since the party was passive in the aftermath of the Movement. 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